In 2004, negotiations were held between the two governments, the DUP, and Sinn Féin, for an agreement to restore the institutions. The talks failed, but a document published by governments detailing the changes to the Belfast agreement was known as the “comprehensive agreement.” However, on 26 September 2005, it was announced that the Provisional Republican Army of Ireland had completely closed its arsenal of weapons and had “taken it out of service”. Nevertheless, many trade unionists, especially the DUP, remained skeptical. Among the loyalist paramilitaries, only the Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF) had decommissioned all weapons.  Further negotiations took place in October 2006 and resulted in the St Andrews Agreement. Issues of sovereignty, civil and cultural rights, dismantling of arms, demilitarization, justice and police were at the heart of the agreement. In addition to the number of signatories[Note 1], Stefan Wolff identifies the following similarities and differences between the issues raised in the two agreements: The agreement confirmed his commitment to “mutual respect, civil rights and religious freedoms of all in the Community”. The multi-party agreement recognized “the importance of respect, understanding and tolerance with regard to linguistic diversity,” particularly with regard to the Irish language, Ulster Scots and the languages of other ethnic minorities in Northern Ireland, “all of which are part of the cultural richness of the Island of Ireland.” The agreement defined a complex set of provisions in a number of areas, including: what Fenton said never happened, because it is “unfortunately not so insolent” … Although their initial response seemed good enough for us. The overall result of these problems was to undermine trade unionists` confidence in the agreement exploited by the anti-DUP agreement, which eventually overtook the pro-agreement Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) in the 2003 general elections. UUP had already resigned from the executive in 2002 following the Stormontgate scandal, in which three men were indicted for intelligence gathering. These charges were eventually dropped in 2005 because persecution was not “in the public interest.” Immediately afterwards, one of Sinn Féin`s members, Denis Donaldson, was unmasked as a British agent.
The agreement consists of two related documents, both agreed on Good Friday, 10 April 1998, in Belfast: the agreement came after many years of complex discussions, proposals and compromises. A lot of people have made a great contribution. Tony Blair and Bertie Ahern were the leaders of the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland at the time. The presidency was chaired by U.S. Special Envoy George Mitchell.  The agreement was for Northern Ireland to be part of the United Kingdom and remain in place until a majority of the population of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland wished otherwise. If this happens, the British and Irish governments will be “obliged” to implement this decision. Direct domination of London ended in Northern Ireland when power was formally transferred to the new Northern Ireland Assembly, the North-South Council and the Anglo-Irish Council when the opening decisions of the Anglo-Irish Agreement came into force on 2 December 1999.    Article 4, paragraph 2 of the Anglo-Irish Agreement (the agreement between the British and Irish governments on the implementation of the Belfast Agreement) required both governments to inquire in writing about compliance with the terms of entry into force of the Anglo-Irish Agreement; The latter is expected to come into effect as soon as both notifications are received.  The British government has agreed to participate in a televised ceremony at Iveagh House in Dublin, the Irish Foreign Office. Peter Mandelson, Minister of Northern Ireland, participated in his participation in early December 2, 1999.